Drinking water advisories - mephistolessiveur.info
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So this is an example comparing two molecules that have straight chains. Let's compare, let's compare a straight chain to a branched hydrocarbon. So on the left down here, once again we have pentane, all right, with a boiling point of 36 degrees C. Let's write down its molecular formula.
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We already know there are five carbons. And if we count up our hydrogens, one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, 10, 11 and So there are 12 hydrogens, so H C5 H12 is the molecular formula for pentane. What about neopentane on the right? Well, there's one, two, three, four, five carbons, so five carbons, and one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, 10, 11 and 12 hydrogens. So these two compounds have the same molecular formula. So the same molecular formula, C5 H The difference is, neopentane has some branching, right?
So neopentane has branching, whereas pentane doesn't. It's a straight chain. Let's think about the boiling points. Pentane's boiling point is 36 degrees C. Neopentane's drops down to 10 degrees C. Now, let's try to figure out why. If I draw in another molecule of pentane, all right, we just talk about the fact that London dispersion forces exist between these two molecules of pentane.
So let me draw in those transient attractive forces between those two molecules. Neopentane is also a hydrocarbon.
So if I draw in another molecule of neopentane, all right, and I think about the attractive forces between these two molecules of neopentane, it must once again be London dispersion forces. Because of this branching, the shape of neopentane in three dimensions resembles a sphere. So it's just an approximation, but if you could imagine this molecule of neopentane on the left as being a sphere, so spherical, and just try to imagine this molecule of neopentane on the right as being roughly spherical.
And if you think about the surface area, all right, for an attraction between these two molecules, it's a much smaller surface area than for the two molecules of pentane, right? We can kind of stack these two molecules of pentane on top of each other and get increased surface area and increased attractive forces. But these two neopentane molecules, because of their shape, because of this branching, right, we don't get as much surface area. And that means that there's decreased attractive forces between molecules of neopentane.
And because there's decreased attractive forces, right, that lowers the boiling point. So the boiling point is down to 10 degrees C. I always think of room temperature as being pretty close to 25 degrees C.
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So most of the time, you see it listed as being between 20 and But if room temperature is pretty close to 25 degrees C, think about the state of matter of neopentane. We are already higher than the boiling point of neopentane.
So at room temperature and room pressure, neopentane is a gas, right? The molecules have enough energy already to break free of each other. And so neopentane is a gas at room temperature and pressure. Whereas, if you look at pentane, pentane has a boiling point of 36 degrees C, which is higher than room temperature.
So we haven't reached the boiling point of pentane, which means at room temperature and pressure, pentane is still a liquid. So pentane is a liquid. And let's think about the trend for branching here.
So we have the same number of carbons, right? The application enables them to manage and share information to coordinate response efforts during a drinking water incident. It also helps capture, analyze and report on the context of drinking water advisories so that lessons can be learned and priorities identified.
In Canada, provincial and territorial governments are responsible for overseeing the safety of drinking water. Drinking water advisory data are generated by regulatory agencies as the advisories are issued. When an advisory is issued, the Drinking Water Advisories application helps the regulatory agency quickly communicate it to personnel at the local and regional level while capturing key information describing the incident.
The system helps agencies communicate information to the public quickly and allows for analysis of accumulated drinking water advisory data to reveal key trends such as water quality or operational reasons for the advisories and the characteristics of the drinking water systems or communities affected. These indicators focus on boil water advisories as they are the most common type of drinking water advisory and represent the vast majority of the data.
They may be issued in response to operational issues or when a chemical contaminant is suspected, or confirmed, in the drinking water system. They may also be issued when conditions would otherwise call for a boil water advisory but where boiling is not practical, such as at school water fountains. Given the variation in their use and the rarity of "Do not consume" and "Do not use" advisories, they are excluded from the indicators.
Boil water advisories can be considered representative of the general situation in Canada with respect to drinking water advisories. Figure 1 shows how all individual reasons contributed to the issuance of boil water advisories. Seeing the city as a slow boil introduces a perspective absent in urban studies writing that so often rests on either dystopic or celebratory narratives.
This perspective highlights the small maneuvers and negotiations that produce the city. It also highlights the generative element of spatial conflicts—for instance, how hawker demolitions are inextricable from long-standing debates over the content and meaning of rights, citizenship, and political modernity.
Swirling alongside moments of exclusion are other symbolic processes and imaginative work that are remaking the physical and political spaces of the city. The arguments contained in this book emerge from nearly a decade of research in Mumbai, the most intense period taking place in—, and intermittently between and A central aspect of the research was conversation with hawkers as they worked on the street. When it was possible and welcomed, as it often was, hawkers generously enabled me to get a firsthand sense of their spatial practices, allowing me to sit with them on the street and observe their interactions with customers, passersby, and the small army of government functionaries who visited each day.
Our conversations took place during their brief breaks from work or during downtimes, such as the early afternoon.
I also conducted semiformal interviews with dozens of hawkers and hawker activists in a variety of locations throughout the city—in tea shops, parks, quiet spots amid construction sites, in their homes, while on casual walks, and in more unusual locations such as police stations, the foyers of municipal offices, and the spaces in front of municipal warehouses.
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Casual afternoons talking with hawkers while they worked would often be disrupted by the arrival of a BMC truck or police jeep and the subsequent scattering of people and their goods.
On other occasions, conversations would be interrupted simply by the rumor of a municipal truck heading our way. At these moments of crisis, a hawker leader would be summoned via cell phone.
Arriving at the scene, at times he or she would see me and request that I join their entourage as they met the relevant authorities. In this manner, I would accompany hawker activists to BMC ward-level offices, godowns warehousesand police stations as they dealt with the fallout of the raids.
The goal of this research was to understand how the street functions as a locus of political contestation. These conversations were held in private settings and in English rather than on the street and in Hindi.
We met in offices, homes, and community meeting rooms—settings that encouraged more formal conversations. Whereas on the street I kept note taking to a minimum—because the sight of pen and paper usually attracted a crowd, as well as suggestions of official connection—in more formal settings, note taking was expected, if not encouraged. In the following sections, I outline the Mumbai hawker controversy, as well as how three themes in urban studies and related fields speak to it.
First, I focus on political economic approaches to spatial conflict. Second, I examine transnational processes and concepts of public space. They start with a murmur. The market comes to a standstill as hawkers flee with what they can—a pot, a scale, a bundle of coriander, a basket of bananas. Customers unexpectedly caught in the frenzy look on as municipal workers swoop down from gray trucks to tear down stalls and grab equipment.
Wooden poles, scales, pots, blue plastic tarps, tables, chairs, wicker baskets, broken sign boards get thrown into the cargo bay. As the trucks roll down the street, they crush tomatoes, spraying red juice and seeds on the pavement. The demolitions end as abruptly as they begin, leaving shards of wood, the refuse of vegetables, and stunned men and women in their wake.
A few hours later, the markets often come back to life. People emerge from the anonymity of the crowd to start rebuilding. The process is calm. There is no bickering over spots or attempts to gain more territory since the markers of ownership—paving blocks, trees, street signs, utility boxes, and garlanded images of gods—remain in the aftermath of a demolition. Bricks are restacked, a table rebuilt, canvas spread on the ground, and tarp tied to a tree.
Merchandise hastily hidden in advance of the raid is retrieved from a gutter dried out in the post-monsoon aridity. A man lifts a canvas cloth, revealing piles of fresh eggplant and cabbage hidden behind a fence. Back at their spots, someone is seen restacking fruits in neat pyramids, or rearranging garlands of flowers in tight concentric circles, or starting up a gas stove for tea and waiting for customers to return. How can we make sense of this ebb and flow of street life, markets, and violence?
Why do these demolitions happen? Why are people able to reoccupy space so easily?
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And what is the relationship between these spectacles of eviction and moments of return? Many scholars have used the economic reforms in India in the s as a starting point to understand related conflicts over space.
Many authors argue that postliberalization policies, court cases, and development practices fundamentally changed whose voices get heard, whose rights count, and on what basis those rights get recognized. For instance, Gautam Bhananalyzes how, in cases related to slum clearance in New Delhi in the late s and early s, the Supreme Court of India established a new precedent of differentiating rights based on class. However, in focusing on one question—How are large-scale evictions of the poor justified in the name of development, profit accumulation, or world-class city making?
For instance, how do people remain where they are between evictions? How do the poor engage with state practices that are, especially in India, heterogeneous and often in competition with one other? How do globally circulating development and governmental discourses work through the varied and often competing political forces within the state? And finally, what are the historical genealogies of contemporary spatial contestations?
Indeed, the problem with the dominant critical framework in urban studies is that it tends to reduce the entirety of urban politics to singular rationalities of governance or effects of transnational political economic processes. It assumes an uninterrupted trend toward greater marginalization of the poor, dispossession, fragmentation, and commodification. This analytical framework tends to portray city processes unidimensionally as products of power, whereas spatial contestations are interpreted as straightforward signs of class-based conflict, elite assertion, and a state captured by capital.
In sum, Marxist-inspired critiques of urban development mix a dystopic vision e. Rather than start from the premise that cities are on a trend toward greater exclusion, they emphasize the contestations within projects to remake the city.
The critical Marxist perspective either takes these dreams at face value by saying, for instance, that dispossession is happening and the city is captured by neoliberal forces or dismisses them as obvious assertions of wealth and power.
This critical perspective also often encourages a tautology—for example, that evictions of the poor show how the poor are marginalized—that overlooks the contingencies, incongruities, and unevenness associated with spatial conflict.