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Getting a Master's degree in International Relations is one of the key ways relations between countries, prevent international conflicts, and. Careers more closely related to international relations include roles in organizations such as the European Union or the United Nations (you'll. The field of international relations emerged at the beginning of the 20th century largely in the West and in particular in the United States as that country grew in.
Accommodation between states is possible through skillful political leadership, which includes the prioritizing of national goals in order to limit conflicts with other states. In an international system composed of sovereign states, the survival of both the states and the system depends on the intelligent pursuit of national interests and the accurate calculation of national power.
Realists caution that messianic religious and ideological crusades can obscure core national interests and threaten the survival of individual states and the international system itself. Such crusades included, for Morgenthau, the pursuit of global communism or global democracyeach of which would inevitably clash with the other or with other competing ideologies. The attempt to reform countries toward the ideal of universal trust and cooperation, according to realists, runs counter to human naturewhich is inclined toward competition, conflict, and war.
Realist theory emerged in the decade after World War II as a response to idealismwhich generally held that policy makers should refrain from immoral or illegal actions in world affairs. As no impressive new formulation of political idealism appeared on the international scene to reply to realist theory, the debate between realism and idealism gradually faded, only to be revived in a somewhat different form in the final decades of the 20th century in the disagreement between neoliberal institutionalists and neorealist structuralists.
Many international relations scholars neither rejected nor embraced realism but instead were engrossed in other aspects of the broadening agenda of international relations studies. Beginning in the s, as the United States became more fully engaged in world affairs, the U. In order to understand the major forces and trends shaping countries such as the Soviet Union and China or the regions extending from Africa to Northeast Asia, the United States needed to recruit greater numbers of specialists in the histories, politics, cultureseconomies, languages, and literature of such areas; the Soviet Union did likewise.
Theoretical concerns generally played a marginal role in the growth of area specialization in the West. The behavioral approach and the task of integration In the s an important development in the social sciencesincluding the study of international relations, was the arrival of new concepts and methodologies that were loosely identified in ensemble as behavioral theory.
This general approach, which emphasized narrowly focused quantitative studies designed to obtain precise results, created a wide-ranging controversy between theorists who believed that the social sciences should emulate as much as possible the methodologies of the physical sciences and those who held that such an approach is fundamentally unsound.
In addition, the great number of new topics investigated at the time—including cognition, conflict resolution, decision makingdeterrencedevelopment, the environmentgame theoryeconomic and political integrationand systems analysis—provoked some anxiety that the discipline would collapse into complete conceptual and methodological chaos.
This task proved to be a difficult one. Indeed, some scholars began to question the necessity—or even the possibility—of arriving at a single theory that would explain all the varied, diverseand complex facets of international relations.
Instead, these researchers suggested that a number of separate theories would be needed. At the same time, theories that trace the forces of international relations to a single source were increasingly viewed as unsatisfactory. The struggle for powerfor example, was accepted as a fact in past and current international politics, but attempts to make all other factors subordinate to or dependent upon power were thought to exclude too much of what is important and interesting in international relations.
Similar assessments were made of the theory that asserts that the character of a nation—and hence the character of its participation in international relations—is determined by its child-rearing practices, as well as of the Marxist theory that international relations are solely the historical expression of class struggle.
The general attitude of the behavioral decade was that the facts of international relations are multidimensional and therefore have multiple causes. This conclusion supported, and in turn was supported by, the related view that an adequate account of these facts could not be provided in a single integrated theory and that multiple separate theories were required instead. By the s, for example, studies of international conflict had come to encompass a number of different perspectives, including the realist theory of the struggle for power between states and the Marxist notion of global class conflict, as well as other explanations.
At the same time, conflict theory coexisted with economic and political integration theory and game theory, each of which approached the phenomena of international conflict from a distinct perspective.
In keeping with the multiple-theory approach, by the end of the behavioral decade there was a growing consensus that the study of international relations should encompass both quantitative and qualitative analyses. Whereas quantitative methodologies were recognized as useful for measuring and comparing international phenomena and identifying common features and patterns of behaviour, qualitative analyses, by focusing on one case or a comparison of cases involving specific research questions, hypothesesor categories, were thought to provide a deeper understanding of what is unique about political leaders, nations, and important international events such as World War II and the Cold War.
The use of quantitative analysis in international relations studies increased significantly in the decades after the s. This was a direct result of advances in computer technologyboth in the collection and retrieval of information and in the analysis of data.
When computers were introduced in international relations studies, it was not readily apparent how best to exploit the new technology, partly because most earlier studies of international relations were set forth in narrative or literary form and partly because many of the phenomena examined were not easily quantifiable. Nevertheless, exploratory quantitative studies were undertaken in a number of directions. A growing body of studies, for example, developed correlations between phenomena such as alliances and the outbreak or deterrence of war, between levels of political integration and levels of trade, communication, and mobility of populations, between levels of economic development and internal political stability, and between levels of internal violence and participation in international conflicts.
The later 20th century Foreign policy and international systems The influence of behaviourism helped to organize the various theories of international relations and the discipline into essentially two principal parts, or perspectives: Within each of these perspectives there developed various theories. The foreign-policy perspective, for example, encompasses theories about the behaviour of individual states or categories of states such as democracies or totalitarian dictatorships, and the international-system-analysis perspective encompasses theories of the interactions between states and how the number of states and their respective capabilities affect their relations with each other.
The foreign-policy perspective also includes studies of the traits, structures, or processes within a national society or polity that determine or influence how that society or polity participates in international relations. One such study, known as the decision-making approach, analyzes the information that decision makers use, their perceptions and motivations, the influence on their behaviour of public opinion, the organizational settings in which they operate, and their intellectual, cultural, and societal backgrounds.
Studies that analyze the relations between the wealth, power, or technological level of a state and its international status and role provide other illustrations of the foreign-policy perspective. Comparative foreign-policy analysis first appeared during the mids.
By comparing the domestic sources of external conduct in different countries, using standard criteria of data selection and analysis, this approach seeks to develop generalized accounts of foreign-policy performance, including theories that explore the relationship between the type of domestic-external linkage a country displays and its political and economic system and level of social development.
Some research also has explored the extent to which certain patterns of behaviour, such as violent demonstrations or protests, may spread from one state to another. Whereas foreign-policy analysis concentrates on the units of the international system, international-system analysis is concerned with the structure of the system, the interactions between its units, and the implications for peace and war, or cooperation and conflict, of the existence of different types of states.
The term interactions suggests challenge and response, give and take, move and countermove, or inputs and outputs. Diplomatic histories feature narratives of action and response in international situations and attempt to interpret the meanings of the exchanges. Balance-of-power theory, which asserts that states act to protect themselves by forming alliances against powerful states or coalitions of states, is another example of the international-system perspective.
Still other examples include explanations and descriptions of bargaining in international negotiations and studies of arms races and other escalating action-reaction processes. The general-system perspective The so-called general-system perspective on international relations, which attempts to develop a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of the relations between states, may be compared to the map of a little-explored continent.
Outlines, broad features, and a continental delineation are not in question, but everything else remains in doubt, is subject to controversy, and awaits exploration. The members of a family, for example, interact with each other in ways that clearly differ from the ways in which they interact with other persons, such as colleagues in a place of employment or fellow members of a church.
Although systems are definable in terms of units that exhibit certain patterns of interaction with each other, there also may be interaction between a system and its subsystems. A national political system, for example, may interact with subsystems such as interest groups, the media, or public opinion.
Systems and subsystems exist in a hierarchical setting.
A department is a subsystem of a corporation, for example, just as a corporation is a subsystem of an industry. In international relations states are considered subsystems, or components, of the entire international system.
In analyzing the international system, researchers often posit distinct political, economic, cultural, and social subsystems. Although interactions between states have varied over time, by the latter decades of the 20th century they had become global in scope and unprecedented in their number and in the types of actors they involved. The volume, velocity, and types of interaction had expanded to include not only the greater movement of people but also trade, investment, ideas, and information—all of which were shaped by technology.
Structures, institutions, and levels of analysis Since the s the study of international relations has been marked by a renewed debate about the relationship between structures and institutions in international systems. Neorealism represented an effort to inject greater precision, or conceptual rigour, into realist theory.
A bipolar system, for example, is a structure in which two states are dominant and the remaining states are allied with one or the other dominant state.
According to Waltz and other neorealists, the structure of the international system limits the foreign-policy options available to states and influences international institutions in important ways. The United Nations UNfor example, mirrors the structure of the existing international system insofar as it is dominated by leading powers such as the permanent members of the Security Council.A Day in the Life of an International Relations Student
Changes in international structure, including the rise of new powers, eventually lead to changes within international institutions. On the other side of the structures-institutions debate have been the neoliberal institutionalists, who contend that institutions matter beyond simply reflecting or codifying the power structure of the international system. Although neoliberal institutionalists accept the realist conception of states as the principal actors in a fundamentally anarchic environment, they argue that state behaviour can be modified by interaction with international institutions such as the European Union EUNATO, the World Trade Organization WTOand the UN.
Such interaction, they contend, reduces the long-term potential for international conflict. Although neorealist structuralists and neoliberal institutionalists generally agree that international cooperation is possible, neorealists are much more skeptical of its chances for long-term success.
According to neorealist logic, NATO should have dissolved in the s after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the bipolar structure that had led to its formation. Instead, NATO was transformed in the decade following the end of the Cold War, taking on new tasks and responsibilities. This contradiction may be apparent, however, only because such adaptation can be viewed as reinforcing the neorealist thesis that institutions reflect the existing international structure: Thus, NATO was able to survive because it underwent a transformation.
Thus, NATO countries have altered their policies to take account of the needs of other members, and potential members have undergone rigorous internal reform in order to qualify for membership.
Consequently, each theory appears to offer useful insights, and both together can form the basis of a unified approach to the relationship between structures and institutions.
Central to neorealist structural theory is the levels-of-analysis question—i. Introduced in the s as part of an attempt to make research in international relations more scientific, the levels-of-analysis question provided a conceptual basis for addressing issues such as the effect of structure bipolar or multipolar on the behaviour of states or other units.
At the same time, it offered a means of distinguishing between different sources of explanation and different objects of analysis. Thus, assuming that the international system shapes the options available to states as actors, it is plausible to suggest that the way in which decision makers respond to such options depends on how they perceive them and on the related opportunities and constraints created by domestic-level forces. According to them, the peaceful norms that democratic states have developed for resolving differences with each other are an outgrowth of their domestic traditions of law and order, compromise, due processprotection of individual rights—including property rights and the right to freedom of speech—and an independent judiciary.
A world constituted entirely of democracies, according to this view, would be peaceful. By the late s neorealist structuralist theory had been supplemented, in what was termed neoclassical realist theory, by explorations of the implications of structure, not just at the international-system level but also at the state level and within the state at the individual and group levels.
Realist theory continued to be marked by major disagreements, however, a situation that supporters claimed was a reflection of rich intellectual resources and that detractors cited as an indication of fractured conceptual foundations. In any event, the contemporary effort to update, refine, and broaden realist theory, as well as the ongoing debate between neorealism and neoliberalism, may represent a trend toward a synthesis of the various realist schools of thought. Recent perspectives Constructivism In the late 20th century the study of international relations was increasingly influenced by constructivism.
They consider international politics and subjects such as international economics, international communications, international lawinternational war, and international organization to be subcategories of international relations.
Sometimes the study of foreign nations and foreign governments is called international relations, but this broad usage is diminishing. The study of international relations includes certain aspects of nations and their governments, particularly foreign-policy-making activity.
But the more restricted usage that is evolving includes only those characteristics of nations that have the greatest effect on interaction between nations.
Advancing knowledge is making possible more explicit boundaries for the field as research more clearly identifies which characteristics of nations cause the greatest variation in their relations with each other.
History Although men have written about international relations for thousands of years, only in this century has the field begun to have some of the characteristics of an academic discipline. The publication of World Politics by Paul Reinsch in is often cited as an early landmark in this development. Before World War Icourses in the field were confined largely to diplomatic history, international lawand international economics.
The war stimulated the development of courses in international organization, international relations, and international politics. Often these courses were devoted and some still are to the study of current events and to preaching about how the world ought to be organized.
By the outbreak of World War II a reaction to these modes of study had developed. This trend included both an effort to overcome idealistic bias in research and teaching and an aspiration toward more systematic study. Morgenthau emphasized the importance of power in the attainment of national objectives. Idealists, on the other hand, stressed the importance of assuring that ideological ends not be subverted through the pursuit of tangible instruments of power.
To a considerable degree the realist—idealist debate subverted the initial contribution of the realist school to the development of an empirical science of international relations. For many, realism became a goal toward which they believed policy makers should aspire, rather than an enterprise devoted to the explanation of actual international behavior.
But the realist emphasis has left significant legacies. One is the section devoted to the elements of national power that appears in most international relations textbooks. Morgenthau lists the following components of national power: Some writers, Organski, for example, tend to treat national power as something that can be represented by a single measure, through combining measurements of its components As power tended to become the central concept in the international relations literature, concern developed about the analytic effectiveness of subsuming so much under one concept.
There was particular difficulty in accounting for occasions when smaller nations influenced the behavior of larger nations, thus revealing the limitations of a single measure of national power. The tendency for the concept to become a fad rather than a useful analytic tool was underlined when Denis Sullivan, in an analysis of international relations textbooksfound 17 different usages. The fact that individual authors use the concept in a number of ways compounds the confusion. The number of independent nations has doubled sincereaching some in By the number of international organizations had increased to some 1, not including international business enterprises.
Approximately of these organizations are intergovernmental. Communication and transportation developments greatly changed the character of international relations and stimulated regional economic integration.
Nuclear weapons altered the role of violence as an instrument for carrying out international relations. These changes so dramatically transformed the character of the international system that even the vocabulary of international relations rapidly became obsolete. As a result, men of virtually all academic disciplines began contributing to the study of international relations.
Scientific change has not only affected the study of international relations through the impact of technological change on the data of international relations but also directly affected analytic techniques. While the twentieth-century world was self-consciously pondering the significance of rapidly developing knowledge in the physical sciences, changes of potentially equal importance were taking place in the social sciences.
A new generation of international relations scholars, armed with the contributions of an increasingly rigorous social science and aided by new norms for interdisciplinary collaboration, began making significant progress toward the development of a science of international relations. The concepts and techniques employed in analyzing such topics as decision making, conflict, game theory, bargaining, communication, systems, geography, attitudes, etc.
Machine data processing and computers extended the range of manageable problems, and man—computer and all-computer simulations permitted for the first time controlled experimentation in international relations. The state of the field Decision making Advances in social science are facilitating the handling of some of the problems that for a long time have troubled international relations scholars.
One such problem is discovering the links between the gross characteristics of nations, such as measures of national power, and the specific behavior of individuals acting for nations. While most contributors to the literature on national power would not deny that variation in the individuals and groups making foreign policy decisions sometimes has significant effects, they have not provided analytic tools for assessing these effects.
In Snyder, Bruck, and Sapin published an influential monograph, Decision-making as an Approach to the Study of International Politics, that provided an analytic scheme suggesting the relevance of work in various areas of political sciencesociology, social psychology, communication theoryand organizational behavior to the study of international relations.
Their approach conceives of the actions of nations as resulting from the way identifiable decision makers define the action situation. It postulates that national decision-making behavior takes place in a complex organizational setting and can be accounted for by interrelations of three clusters of variables: Four years later Snyder and Paige applied the scheme to the United States decision to intervene militarily in Korea in June This effort stimulated some refinements in the analytic scheme and helped to develop hypotheses linking the variables.
The work on decision making enriched the literature of international relations by demonstrating the relevance of concepts from other areas of social science. Thus, decision-making analysis has stimulated the application of the field-research techniques of social science to the study of international relations.
Problems in gaining access to foreign policy decision makers, because of the secrecy that traditionally surrounds their activity, require the international relations researcher not only to borrow field-research techniques of other social sciences but also to adapt them and to develop his own.
This followed applications in physics, physical chemistryand the social sciences. Bertalanffy developed his general systems approach as a result of perceiving similarities in conceptual schemes developed in fields of knowledge commonly considered to be widely separated McClelland asserted that the application of the concepts and hypotheses of general systems analysis to international relations provides insights beyond those generally afforded by more traditional international relations approaches.
For example, he stated that a general systems approach leads inquiry away from a concern with the accumulation of power, that its emphasis is instead on adaptive action. McClelland also believes that a systems perspective draws attention to quiet processes of growth, adjustment, and adaptation, thus overcoming tendencies to give too much attention to spectacular international events as causal factors Morton Kaplan used a radically different method of systems analysis developed by W.
This approach employs closed and simple systems, rather than general ones, and does not imply either the probability or the improbability of gradual change. Kaplan constructed six possible international systems and specified the environmental circumstances under which each is likely to persist and those under which it is likely to be transformed into one of the other kinds of systems.
Kaplan did not provide historical examples of all of his systems, since it is his goal to develop an analytic perspective that can handle all possible kinds of international systems, not just those that have occurred already.
In Action and Reaction in World Politics Rosecrance also cites Ashby as he applies systems analysis to an examination of nine international systems that existed after From these historical cases he generates nine models. Theories generated by the application of systems analysis move the study of international relations closer to rigorous comparative study.
They provide concepts that can be applied across diverse geographic regions and in numerous historical periods. The propositions embedded within the theories invite refinement or rejection, thus encouraging researchers to move beyond description and on to the development of explanatory theory. The development of integration as a major focus of international relations research has been spurred by regional integration, particularly in Europe in the post-World War II period.
Common in much of the integration literature is self-conscious concern with development of theory applicable to all international systems, universal and regional, through the study of systems more limited in scope. There also is a wide interest in discerning both the necessary and sufficient conditions for certain kinds of international governmental authority and the processes whereby such authorities can be established.
Case studies have provided the raw material for important integration work, but in contrast to most earlier work in international relations, the cases have not been ends in themselves but tools for the generation of general theory.
In a pioneering work Karl Deutsch and Richard Van Wagenen, both political scientists, and a team of historians Deutsch et al. From these case studies they generated a list of conditions necessary for both amalgamated and pluralistic security communities. This effort borrowed a great deal from communications research. The theoretical framework developed by Etzioni is influenced importantly by his native discipline, sociology.
He has worked primarily with secondary sources in applying this framework to the European Economic Communitythe Nordic Council, efforts to unite Egypt and Syria, and to the attempted Federation of the West Indies.
While the styles and interests of these contributors to the study of international integration vary a great deal, their efforts to build explicitly on the work of each other, although yet limited, is characteristic of a growing trend among international relations scholars.
As they become more interested in general theory and less concerned with the uniqueness of individual cases, the possibilities for cumulative and cooperative development of knowledge are increasing in the whole field of international relations. The work on integration is affecting traditional perspectives of the role of international organizations in the control of international violence and in the development of world order. Work such as that of Deutsch and his colleagues on pluralistic security communities i.
Furthermore, their hypotheses about necessary conditions for amalgamated security communities e. An earlier alternative to the more grandiose world government schemes had been provided by functionalism, whose best-known advocate was David Mitrany in the s. The key element in functionalism is the belief that international conflict can be diminished by the establishment of international welfare agencies manned by experts who, it is presumed, would be devoted to the achieving of their tasks on the basis of expert criteria, rather than to the acquisition of power.
The work on integration, particularly that of Haas, who explicitly builds on the thought of the functionalists, offers some support for and a critique of functionalist theory, particularly in the development of more sophisticated theory linking international welfare activity and national political organization.
Formerly limited to the study of individual behavior and the study of small groups, experimental techniques have now been extended to decision making in business organizations, community conflict, and international relations.
Simulation of international relations has also developed out of military war games. Some simulations of international relations have used human subjects, under quasi-laboratory conditions, who act for nations that are replicas of either actual nations or nations designed by the experimenter. There are also machine simulations, in which computers are used to simulate both the mental processes of decision makers and the social processes of international relations.
Some simulate a specific situation, such as a crisis, whereas others simulate international systems that represent years of real-world time. Like experimentation in other realms, simulation of international relations permits the student to have more control than he has in the study of the real world. It also permits the study of problems for which data are not available, possibly because the world has not yet produced the situation being studied.
Each of the 16 simulations began with two nuclear powers and each experienced nuclear proliferation at an identical time see Brody This experiment permitted investigation of widespread proliferation of nuclear weapons before it occurred in the real world. The most sustained effort in international relations simulation was begun by Harold Guetzkow in see Guetzkow et al.
His InterNation Simulation is an operating model of prototypic, rather than actual, nations. The model has been utilized in the experimental runs of Brody, as well as others. A variety of techniques is being used to validate the evolving model, including participation of diplomats in the simulation.
The rapid spread of simulation activity suggests that controlled experimentation and the construction of operating models have a permanent place in the methodology of international relations. As the destructive power of nuclear weapons increased, intense concern developed over the risks of nuclear war, particularly over the possibility of accidental nuclear war and the escalation of limited conventional wars into nuclear war. Schelling, an economist, called attention to the mixture of mutual dependence and conflict in relations between international adversaries.
Fear that nuclear-weapons delivery systems, ostensibly developed to deter aggressors, might cause war encouraged the development of a literature on deterrence that enriched international relations discourse [see Deterrence ]. As military planners and scholars attempted to discern how weapons systems could offer a credible deterrent to aggressors and at the same time not cause the war they were intended to prevent, the interdependence of national weapons systems became more apparent.
Scholars became concerned not only with actual military capability of nations but also with the perceptions decision makers have of this capability and their inferences about its future use. These perceptions were seen to be influenced importantly by communications systems linking decision makers in different nations. Research on deterrence stimulated the application of social psychology, communications theory, and game theory to military strategy problems.
As deterrence of national military action came to be treated as one of many efforts to influence by discouragement, some began to ask why strategic planning did not include efforts to influence by encouragement.
Thomas Milburn is one who called attention to the findings of psychological research that indicate that reward for desired behavior is sometimes more efficacious than punishment for undesired behavior in influencing human conduct. This kind of thinking encouraged an integration of research on military policy and research on policy utilizing other means of influence.
Similar concern had been manifested at the time of the Hague Peace Conference at the turn of the century and also in the late s and early s.
But the complex military technology of the nuclear age encouraged greater participation of physical scientists in disarmament discussion. Their involvement was partially a result of the obligation they felt to help control the destructive power they had created. The pages of the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists provide evidence of increased participation of physicists in arms-control and disarmament research and discussion. Their contributions to the technology of nuclear-test detection and nuclear-armament inspection began the development of a technology of nuclear control.
Disarmament study in the nuclear age also came to be concerned more with research into the relationship between societies and the organizations for waging war that they create.
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Machines of war had come to consume such a high proportion of national product in some nations that the economic consequences of disarmament were studied. The realization that disarmament would not bring an end to conflict fostered consideration of alternatives to violence that could be used for waging conflict in a disarmed world e.
This line of inquiry gradually brought a subtle but profound evolution in the interests of some international relations scholars, from concern with the causes of war to study of the causes of peace.
There is a wide public interest in the subject provided it is expressed in bold rhetoric, but not if it is a quantitative scientific study involving statistics and mathematics. Aspiring to equal the rigor of the physical sciences in the study of the necessary and sufficient conditions for peace, the movement was started primarily by social scientists outside the traditional field of international relations, and physical scientists, also, have been prominently involved.
Examples of the better-known products of the peace research movement are Conflict and Defenseby Kenneth Boulding, an economist; The Peace Raceby Seymour Melman, an industrial engineer; and Strategy and Conscienceby Anatol Rapoport, a mathematical biologist. The peace research movement set up conferences and associations separate from the meetings of established professional societies.
Peace research organizations, in the form of both professional associations and research institutes, have been created in a number of nations, primarily in Europe and North America.
These developments have taken place in nations in which social science is developed most highly. Within the peace research movement considerable effort has been devoted to the establishment of international collaboration in developing a science of international peace free from national bias.
Work on current regional international systems has made possible modest efforts at comparative international relations. Historical resources also provide opportunity for comparison e. In Politics and Culture in International History Adda Bozeman overcomes the customary preoccupation of international relations scholars with Europe and North America.
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In a work that is global in scope, she assesses historical experience in international relations up to a. Despite these efforts at comparative inquiry, the attention of international relations researchers is still focused largely on a limited number of current intergovernmental relations—those with a high degree of conflict. International relations research and theorizing has also tended to neglect nongovernmental international relations. There is considerable justification for the neglect, because of the degree to which governments dominate international relations and often exercise great control over nongovernmental international relations.
On the other hand, the efforts of governments to control and to influence nongovernmental international relations suggest that officials may consider them more important than do scholars. There are numerous cases in which business investment has had an important effect on international relations, for example, United States business investment in Latin America.
As former colonies have achieved independence, the actual and perceived influence of business interests of former governing nations has had a vital effect on intergovernmental relations. But nongovernmental international relations tend not to be incorporated into the more general theoretical work in the field.
Nongovernmental international organizations also have been neglected, although some seventeen hundred of the approximately nineteen hundred international organizations excluding international businesses are nongovernmental. Studies of European integration have indicated the importance of international labor and management organizations in European integration. There are numerous anecdotal accounts of the effects of church organizations and business corporations on intergovernmental relationships.
But there has been no concerted effort to study the consequences of variation in the number or character of nongovernmental international organizations on intergovernmental relationships in specific international systems. Conceptual issues The neglect of nongovernmental relations is partially a result of the traditional presumption that nations are single actors.
The tendency to reify nations is diminishing; many writers now assert that when they say that nations act, this is only a shorthand way of indicating that human beings act for nations.
But it is still customary for scholars to study the activities of all actors for a specific nation as if they were those of a single actor and to treat instances of contradictory behavior of different actors, when they are recognized at all, as aberrations. The ability of foreign offices to control or even to coordinate foreign policy seems to be declining.
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Such variation may importantly affect the capacity of nations to adjust to and control external change. Acknowledging that nations have multiple actors in international relations leads one to ask whom individual actors represent. Wilson was recognized as the representative of the United States at the Paris Peace Conference, but whom did he actually represent?
These questions lead to the conclusion that nations comprise a variety of international and domestic actors, both governmental and nongovernmental, all acting in the name of the nation. Because some of these actors are domestic, they are part of the environment of the international system. Treating them as environment inhibits the misleading tendency to subsume total populations, resources, and activities of all nations under the rubric of international relations simply because virtually all mankind lives within nations.
It is clear that variation in this environment affects the capacity of international actors to adjust to and control changes in the international system. The future The study of international relations will continue to be affected by the urgency of war and peace problems and by increasing belief that research can contribute to the understanding and solution of these problems.
International relations research will in the near future be even more affected by the twentieth-century revolution in social science than it has been in the past. It is probable that a separate body of international relations theory will not be developed and that international relations will be a part of the broader theoretical framework of intergroup relations.
It is likely that aspects of international relations will be increasingly incorporated into the concerns of each of the social sciences.
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This development can be observed already, for example, in the pages of the Journal of Conflict Resolution, an interdisciplinary quarterly devoted to research related to war and peace. It can also be seen in the growing number of sessions devoted to international relations at the meetings of professional societies of the different social sciences. The various kinds of human behavior which scholars have traditionally classified as diplomacy will be dissected and studied as cases of negotiation, legislative behavior, representative behavior, political socialization, communication, organizational behavior, etc.
This tendency is manifest in a volume edited by Kelman, International Behaviorwith contributions by political scientists, psychologists, sociologists, and an anthropologist. It is also revealed in the founding of the multidisciplinary International Studies Association in As the field of international relations is integrated into the main stream of social science, it may be expected that the generalizations that international relations scholars advance will be subjected to rigorous testing through systematic data collection.
High-speed computers already have made possible significant efforts to marshal data on hundreds of national social, political, and economic attributes and to analyze their relationship to international relations see Russett et al. Quantitative International Politics Singer reveals the growing tendency of scholars to use rigorous social science techniques for gathering and analyzing data.
Scholars will probably also increase their efforts to gather data through field-research techniques, as a supplement to documentary sources and statistics provided by governments and international agencies. Continued change in patterns of international relations will, of course, intensify the conceptual problems of the field. The number, size, and importance of intergovernmental organizations and nongovernmental organizations will grow. The increased importance in international activity of social units other than nations will require scholars to develop conceptual schemes and theories that take them into account.
This development will be encouraged by the increasing participation of social scientists other than political scientists in international relations research. It will be stimulated also by the increasing interest of political scientists in the relationship between societal characteristics and governmental organization. It is likely, therefore, that future prescriptions for world order, in contrast to those of the past, will be concerned more with the development of nongovernmental international relations: