Making Sense of Colombia-Venezuela Relations | NACLA
For anyone following Venezuela-Colombia relations, developments over the past few months have caused some significant head scratching. Venezuela - Colombia Relations. Since August , there have also been increased tensions on the Venezuela-Colombia border. For observers of Latin America, this week's meeting in Caracas the presidents of Venezuela and Colombia was remarkable for how.
Colombia-Venezuela Relations | mephistolessiveur.info
Troubled Sister Countries There is no need to recall that Maduro owes his entire political career to the late Chavez. Maduro also inherited from Chavez a course toward friendship with Russia Russia made large investments in Venezuelaas well as a diplomatic confrontation with the USA and its main ally in northern Latin America — Colombia. But Petro lost, although he received 42 percent of the vote. And the very course of the presidential campaign showed that this is not about personal antipathies, but about strong ideological differences between the leaders of Venezuela and Colombia.
Russia does not make a secret of the fact that Venezuela is experiencing enormous economic difficulties.
Making Sense of Colombia-Venezuela Relations
Experts of the Council for Foreign and Defense Policy CFDP also came to this conclusion, pointing out the inability of the Venezuelan leadership to convert petrodollars of s into diversification of domestic economy.
So the Russian approach to both Venezuelan and Colombian issues can be seen as lacking ideology: And in Colombia, this is even worse than in Venezuela: And FARC seized the baton of violence from the so-called liberals: The fact is that the violence in Colombia in recent decades has come not so much from the left, but from the right side of the political spectrum.
It was doubtful that the Venezuelan Military has the logistical capacity to mobilize an estimated troops and equipment quickly considering their lack of logistical equipment and the nation's highway system. On 08 NovemberPresident Chavez called on Venezuelans to "prepare for war" due to the threat posed by Colombia and the United States.
Chavez again hammered the Colombian government for "shamelessly delivering its sovereignty to the U. Chavez's comments followed dual announcements on November 5 by Vice President Carrizalez and Foreign Minister Maduro that the Venezuelan government GBRV was deploying 15, National Guardsmen and ramping up its intelligence-gathering activities in states that border Colombia to "track down and neutralize irregular groups" in the aftermath of several violent incidents.
These announcements were made against a backdrop of serious domestic problems for the GBRV.Why Venezuela Hates The United States
Venezuelans are unhappy about widespread water shortages, increasing power blackouts, and spiraling crime rates. Chavez has a well-established track record of using external threats to shift attention away from the GBRV's shortcomings.
No meaningful movement of National Guard troops were noted since the Carrizalez announcement. Chavez asserted that through its signing of the DCA, "Colombia has delivered its sovereignty to the Empire Revolutionary students, workers, women: The Ministry of Popular Power for Foreign Affairs of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, charges that the installation of military bases under the unrestricted control of the United States in Colombia constitutes the origin of a situation of instability and regional concern.
While Chavez's rhetoric against Colombian President Uribe and the Colombian "oligarchy" is strident, both he and the official Venezuelan media have taken the opposite tack with regard to Colombians in Venezuela. Chavez refers to Colombians as "children of Bolivar" and "brothers.
Venezuela - Colombia Relations
Colombian expatriates are integrated at every level of Venezuelan society, from casual day laborers to prosperous business owners. In a total population of 26 million, the Colombians represent a significant bloc that, according to some, punished Chavez for his attitude toward Colombian President Uribe in the November state elections.
The Colombian government maintains 15 consulates in Venezuela, with multiple offices in the border states of Zulia, Apure and Tachira to provide citizen services. An estimated 3 million legal Colombians reside in Venezuela and another two to three million who are in the country illegally. These two neighbors shared many points in common. Both were large South American states with security concerns that encompassed the Caribbean area as well.
Both have functioned under representative democratic systems for decades. The disparities between Venezuela and Colombia, however, have contributed to a fluctuating undercurrent of tension over the years.
The most visible irritant in the relationship was the dispute over the boundary demarcation in the Golfo de Venezuela Golfo de Guajira as the Colombian refer to it as.
The roots of the boundary maritime issue stretch back to colonial times. The borders of the nations that emerged from the wars for independence were not clearly defined. As these nations grew, disputes became unavoidable. This treaty, however, has been criticized by many Venezuelans for granting too much territory to Colombia.
This attitude has hardened the stance of the armed forces with regard to the Golfo de Venezuela; it has also rendered more tentative the attempts of subsequent governments to negotiate the boundary in the gulf.
Moreover, the development of oil resources in the area and the expectation of further expansion also raised the stakes involved in a potential resolution. After an abortive effort in the early s and an adamant refusal by Venezuela to submit the dispute to international arbitration, the two governments announced in a draft treaty designated the Hypothesis of Caraballeda. When President Luis Herrera Campins's foreign minister presented the draft to representatives of the officer corps, however, he received an extremely negative reaction.
Opposition to the treaty quickly spread, forcing the government to withdraw from further negotiations with the Colombians. There have been no formal talks dedicated to the maritime boundary since that time. The meeting produced an agreement to increase the military presence on both sides of the border and to expand cooperation in such areas as counternarcotics and counterinsurgency.
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