Gujarat danga muslim and hindu relationship

Narendra Modi 'allowed' Gujarat anti-Muslim riots - BBC News

Why most people blame Narendra Modi for Gujarat Muslim-Hindu riots and not other . Ever since the SIT filed a closure report in relation to the Zakia Jafri's. Explore Hindu Muslim riots profile at Times of India for photos, videos and Man jailed for asking Hindu girl about marriage with Muslim boy. Hindu-Muslim Communal Riots in India II () traumatizing events of Partition: Hindu–Muslim relations in India are fraught with many difficulties. .. Violence took place in the communally-sensitive state of Gujarat.

Himatnagar Location of major incidents. Although the Supreme Court had declared such strikes to be unconstitutional and illegal, and despite the common tendency for such strikes to be followed by violence, no action was taken by the state to prevent the strike. The government did not attempt to stop the initial outbreak of violence across the state. False stories were also printed by local newspapers which claimed that Muslim people had kidnapped and raped Hindu women.

Attackers arrived in Muslim communities across the region in trucks, wearing saffron robes and khaki shorts the unofficial uniform of Hindu nationalism and bearing a variety of weapons.

In many cases, attackers damaged or burned Muslim-owned or occupied buildings while leaving adjacent Hindu buildings untouched. Although many calls to the police were made from victims, they were told by the police that "we have no orders to save you. In Baroda the administration imposed a curfew in seven areas of the city. Antanithen the deputy superintendent of police, deployed the Rapid Action Force to sensitive areas in Godhra. A shoot-to-kill order was issued.

Members of the opposition made accusations that the government had failed to protect Muslim people in the worst rioting in India in more than 10 years. Organizations such as Human Rights Watch criticised the Indian government and the Gujarat state administration for failure to address the resulting humanitarian condition of victims who fled their homes for relief camps during the violence, the "overwhelming majority of them Muslim.

In the Naroda Patiya mass grave of ninety-six bodies, forty-six were women. Rioters also flooded homes and electrocuted entire families inside.

According to Kalpana Kannabiran the rapes were part of a well-organized, deliberate and pre-planned strategy, and which facts place the violence into the categories of political pogrom and genocide.

Children were also killed in front of their parents. A chilling technique, absent in pogroms unleashed hitherto but very much in evidence this time in a large number of cases, was the deliberate destruction of evidence. Barring a few, in most instances of sexual violence, the women victims were stripped and paraded naked, then gang-raped, and thereafter quartered and burnt beyond recognition. The leaders of the mobs even raped young girls, some as young as 11 years old.

Even a day-old infant, or a fetus in the womb of its mother, was not spared. After the massacre Gulbarg remained in flames for a week. The community head reported that the police responded quickly but were ineffectual as there were so few of them present to help during the attack. The colony was later visited by Modi on 6 March who promised the residents that they would be taken care of. In Himatnagara man was reportedly found dead with both his eyes gouged out.

Of the Hindus that had been killed, thirteen had died as a result of police action and several others had died while attacking Muslim owned properties. Despite the relatively few attacks by muslim mobs on Hindu neighbourhoods, twenty-four Muslims were reported to have died in police shootings. This coverage played a central role in the politics of the situation. Media coverage was generally critical of the Hindu right; however, the BJP portrayed the coverage as an assault on the honor of Gujaratis and turned the hostility into an emotive part of their electoral campaign.

Hindutva supporters and police officers attacked almost a dozen journalists. The state government banned television news channels critical of the government's response, and local stations were blocked. On a return trip from having interviewed Modi when their car was surrounded by a crowd, one of the crowd claimed that they would be killed should they be a member of a minority community.

The Editors Guild of India, in its report on media ethics and coverage on the incidents stated that the news coverage was exemplary, with only a few minor lapses. The local newspapers Sandesh and Gujarat Samacharhowever, were heavily criticised.

Of course, Modi has always denied involvement and condemned the riots. The pogrom was extensively televised by India's innumerable — and then much less complacent — TV channels. Many middle-class Indians were shocked to hear how even the very young had not been spared — the slayers of Muslims were seen smashing the heads of children against rocks. There was some unease even within Modi's parent outfit, the RSS — whose most revered chief, Guru Golwalkar, wrote in a book that Nazi Germany had manifested "race pride at its highest" by purging itself of the "Semitic races".

Since then Indian activists have doggedly pursued Modi through the courts and in the media. In a sting carried out in by the weekly magazine Tehelka, politicians, businessmen, officials and policemen were caught on tapedelightedly recalling how they murdered and raped Muslims with the full imprimatur of their superiors. Modi walks out of hostile interviews and ignores rulings from the country's courts: He can describe the relief camps that house thousands of dispossessed Muslims as "child-breeding centres".

The impunity derives from the fact that Modi, though still denied a visa to the US, remains the unchallenged leader of a big-business-friendly state which his American PR firm, Apco — that also represents brutal dictators such as Kazakhstan's Nursultan Nazarbayev — has successfully rebranded as " Vibrant Gujarat ".

Hailed by India's leading industrialists, including Ratan Tata and Mukesh Ambani, as "dynamic" and "visionary", and buoyed by landslide victories in state elections, Modi now projects himself as the face of a democratic, economically vigorous and pro-west New India.

He has been able to persuade many of his Gujarati compatriots of a liberal-leftist conspiracy against their plucky, entrepreneurial selves. And there are many in the Indian media — bigger, more affluent and more gung-ho since — ready to complement Apco's exertions by making the pogrom seem part of a happily superseded history. And this turned out to be just the beginning… An extensive literature on Indian Hindu—Muslim riots exists, complete with a recurrent and heated debate regarding their origin Engineer b; Ghosh ; Saksena ; Schermerhorn Are they due to the well-known irritants Gaborieaufeverishly decoded by the "other" community at a time when tensions are simmering: Are they linked to and aggravated by economic rivalries, the occupation of costly graveyards lands, abusive Hindu moneylenders and deep inequalities in education and commercial networks Imtiaz Ahmad, ; Engineer b?

Are they linked to external pressures, ranging from Pakistani politics to cricket rivalries Imtiaz Ahmad ; Wrightor to international developments Graff ? It is difficult to analyze all of these possible explanations in this introduction. They will be referred to in the following chronology, which details each of these riots. One thing should be clear: As Michael Mann wrote: India "sees recurrent violence, but most of it takes the less serious form of a riot cycle" Mann Low-intensity cyclic riots, a structural feature of Indian society, are therefore not always extensively covered in official reports and the media.

Some of these incidents, however, have escalated, provoking mass murder as in Gujarat inand again in But it always remains difficult to obtain reliable information: As noted by Steven Wilkinson in a book on elections and violence, " It is nearly impossible to obtain the exact death toll of each riot as statistics are dependent on police records, which are themselves dependent on "…the corruption of the local police; the perceived power of those who initiated the riot; whether policemen were injured or fired their weapons; and the level of financial compensation offered to riot victims by the state or central government" Wilkinson Almost always, the official death-count figures are much lower than the actual figures.

In this article, the reader will find only short references to Kashmir, a problem of a very different nature and rather unrelated to the issue of communal relations.

Narendra Modi 'allowed' Gujarat 2002 anti-Muslim riots

The Kashmir question, debated sincehas been the source of three wars between India and Pakistan. As of today in fact sinceit concerns also the will expressed by a number of Kashmiris to seek autonomy or even independence for their state refer to the biography of Sheikh Abdullah. Regarding the Hindu - Muslim relationships as such, they have always been rather harmonious. The tragedy today concerns the Kashmiri Brahmins panditsthe only Hindu caste existing in Kashmir, who had to vacate their properties when the present war started Noorani ; Madan ; Puri ; Akbar b; Hurtig ; Racine ; Noorani We have not dealt either with the issue of terrorism throughout India, whether originating with Muslim radical groups or Hindu extremist organizations.

An examination of the topic would entail our having to treat additional issues which involve other repertoires of violence and patterns of explanation - ones often not pertinent to the actual state of communal relations within India. Added to this, for the Muslims, was their perception of a distressing evolutionary process which seemed to be threatening that which they held most dearly: Shastri, who granted personal interviews to Golwalkarthe RSS Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, National Volunteers Association leader; and above all, the constant suspicion which surrounded Muslim civilians and military personnel during the war with Pakistan, despite their remarkable loyalty.

The election of a Muslim, Dr. Zakir Hussainthe former vice - chancellor of Aligarh, as the president of India, did little to dissipate their growing anxiety. Such was the uneasiness that a number of Muslim personalities, from all shades of opinion, for instance Dr Syed Mahmood [a Congressist from Bihar] or Dr.

The general elections marked a decisive turning-point in Indian political life. The Congress Party had, hitherto, been the only All-India organization which could form strong and coherent governments both at the Centre and in the states Kothari Init was short of a real majority, but nevertheless remained the largest party at the Centre.

Still, it was defeated in a number of key states, where the winners had nothing in common except for their unmitigated anti - Congress stance.

This situation would mean four difficult years for Indira Gandhi who had taken over in after the sudden death of L. Shastri in Tashkent before she had the reins of government firmly in hand. The Hindu tint among this opposition was strong, and the administration was wondering, uncertain. The communal atmosphere was definitely vitiated.

It showed in the Ranchi riots in It showed even more in Ahmedabad in where national and international circumstances led to a dramatic pogrom Graff ; G. It was also the case with the Bombay—Bhiwandi riots in Engineer c. During those years and later on, the Army had to be brought in on numerous occasions. It should be noted that contrary to the Western understanding and to what happens in Pakistan, the Indian military forces are absolutely apolitical and non - communal. And for Muslims, during a riot when police forces are extremely partial, an Army "flag march" is expected as the only savior.

Jabalpur Madhya Pradesh Religious composition of the population as per the census: This riot was linked to the emergence of a small class of successful Muslim entrepreneurs who created a new economic rivalry between the Hindu and Muslim communities. The immediate cause of the violence, however, remains unknown. According to the Justice Shiv Dayal Shrivastava Commission of Inquiry report, the suicide of a young Hindu girl after her rape by two Muslims youths on February 3 triggered communal tensions.

Trouble started when some of them stopped near the Anjuman Islamia School and forced Muslim students to join the procession. Stones were thrown and violence erupted. As the procession was mainly Hindu and the students of the school were predominantly Muslim, the incident acquired a communal feeling.

Other reports considered that the riot was sparked by the elopement of the daughter of a prominent Hindu businessman of the bidi industry small cigarettes with the son of his Muslim rival. The Hindu press described the elopement as a rape attempt. The Hindu—Muslim rivalry in the bidi industry polarized the situation even more. The army was called in on February 5 to control the situation. But when it left on February 7, Hindu activists attacked and looted Muslim properties while carefully sparing Hindu houses.

Fifty-five people died according to official reports, but unofficial accounts put the death toll at more than Violence propagated to nearby villages causing six deaths in Sagar on February 8 and 9, and two deaths in Narsimhapur on February 8.

The Urdu press reported many stories of police atrocities. Gupta, Congress Party, December —October After the Jabalpur riots, which badly shook the Indian leadership and the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, further violence flared up in Aligarh Uttar Pradeshjust before the general elections. The city is famous for the Aligarh Muslim University AMUwhose students are predominantly Muslim and which has claimed minority status for years.

During the student-union elections of Octobernot a single Hindu student was elected.

Hindu-Muslim Communal Riots in India I (1947-1986)

A clash subsequently broke out between Muslim and Hindu students in a university hostel. A rumor that a Hindu student had been killed on campus sparked off violence in the city on October 3. The riot claimed 14 lives, mostly Muslim. Back in his hometown and supported by his father, a police officer, he led a procession of supporters who targeted an old Muslim college and some Muslim-owned shops.

Prominent members of the administration were present in the crowd and the police did nothing to intervene. The following day, an even larger Hindu procession gathered, threatening to enter a Muslim locality. Muslim residents rushed out of their houses, armed with lathis sticks - ready to defend their community.

Instead of dispersing both the crowds, the police charged into the Muslim crowd. As a consequence, rioting broke out in several parts of the city.

Violence lasted several days, claiming between 13 and 17 lives. These riots were part of a cross-national affecting India, Pakistan and East Pakistan chain of events: Protest marches and violence against the Hindu minorities took place in the cities of Khulna and Jessore East Pakistan on January 2 and 3, This led to retaliation against Muslims in Calcutta and in West Bengal, which in turn kindled events in Dacca and Naryangunj East Pakistanwhere minority communities of Hindus, Christians, and Buddhists were heavily targeted although, ultimately, the holy relic was returned on January 4.

The Indian government arranged for special trains to deliver them to the states of Bihar, Orissa, and Madhya Pradesh where they were to be received.

As these trains crossed through Indian towns, the narrative of the atrocities that Hindus had suffered in East Pakistan spread, triggering anti-Muslim riots. Jamshedpur Bihar and Rourkela Orissa were particularly affected.

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In Calcutta, troubles started on January The army was called in on January 11 and left on January Other estimates put the death toll at On March 16, a day before the hartal general strike organized by the "Save Pakistan Minorities Committee" was to take place, a group of one-hundred Muslim textile workers was assaulted.

Thirteen of them lost their lives. In Jamshedpur, violence flared up on March The army had to be called in on March The official death toll amounted to 51 dead but the actual figure was much higher. In Rourkela, rioting started on March 16 when inhabitants attempted to feed Hindu refugees travelling in a special train that had stopped in the town. Riots started when a Hindu refugee vomited after having eaten bread allegedly offered by a Muslim baker. A rumor spread that Muslims were attempting to poison Hindu refugees.

Violence propagated from the train station to various slums in the town and to adjacent villages. Hindu mobs mainly Punjabis, Bengalis, and Oriyas joined local adivasis tribes in the killing of Muslims. The police proved inefficient and the protection they offered, insufficient. German engineers who had been working in the steel industry of Rourkela were powerless. Other reported figures, probably exaggerated, put the total at five thousand deaths.

In all, while official records estimate that the violence claimed lives in the three towns - Calcutta, Rourkela, and Jamshedpur - the actual death toll actually came to several thousands. This tragic chain of events forced the home ministers of India and Pakistan to meet in Delhi on April to restore order.

Hindu Muslim riots: Latest News, Videos and Photos of Hindu Muslim riots | Times of India

Rioting had already occurred in the district infollowing anti-Hindu violence in East Pakistan. The Raghubar Dayal Commission of Inquiry established that communal tensions regarding the organization of the Hindu Ram Navami festival had been rising since April The conflict with Pakistan had also reinforced suspicions about Indian Muslims.

During the March general elections, the situation further degenerated because of the debate over the Urdu issue the language commonly spoken by Muslims. The school was attacked and one Hindu was killed in retaliation. Violence spread, leading to arson, looting, stabbings, and large-scale rioting in the city itself as well as in nearby industrial towns, particularly Hatia, where 26 persons died 25 Muslims and one Hindu. Chaliha, Congress Party, December —November Violence flared up in the district of Karimganj Assam after an argument erupted between Hindu and Muslim teenagers, merely over a cow.

An existing local rivalry between Hindu and Muslim smugglers constituted the underlying cause of the riots. Other accounts noted that violence had broken out the very day that the CPI Communist Party of India organized a massive demonstration of tea workers - which included 1, Muslim laborers.

The violence claimed 41 Hindu lives and 41 Muslim lives according to some sources but only seven lives according to others. Ahmedabad Gujarat Religious composition of the population as per the census: Anti-Pakistan feelings rapidly transformed into anti-Muslim resentment. Incidents multiplied from mid onwards. On March 10Muslim protests took place in the city in which several policemen were injured after a Hindu policeman allegedly insulted the Quran during an altercation with a Muslim rickshaw-driver.

On September 4, a Muslim policeman was alleged to have kicked the Hindu holy book of Ramayana while searching for a Hindu pandit scholar of Hindu sacred texts during a religious ceremony.

On September 15, a victory procession was organized by the BJS to celebrate the punishment of the Muslim police officer. At the political level, the situation was no less confused. In the elections, for the first time since Independence, the Congress ceased to be the dominant party. In Gujarat, it had lost the Muslim electorate to the Swatantra Party and was severely weakened in the Assembly.

At the national level, the confrontation between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and the Old Guard leadership of the Congress further destabilized the party a scission was to occur in November Fearing a complete debacle, Congress Chief Minister Hitendra Desai could not afford to alienate Hindu opinion by clamping down excessively on the anti-Muslim violence that was to later erupt.

In this tense atmosphere, violence was sparked by the "Jagannath Temple incident" on September Thousands of Muslims had gathered for a yearly pilgrimage to a shrine adjacent to the Jagannath Hindu temple, in the Old City. Clashes occurred with sadhus ascetic Hindu men for a minor reason. Thirteen of them were injured and the glass facade of the temple was damaged. Further troubles erupted in the city after a series of pamphlets and inflammatory speeches spread rumors about the incident.

The local media played a despicable role in the events. On the night of September 18, large Hindu crowds looted and set fire to Muslim properties and religious places, with the police refusing to intervene. The situation worsened on September A Muslim youth was burned to death for refusing to chant "Jai Jagannath! Large numbers of women were raped, and even children were not spared the violence.

One hundred Muslims were murdered in Amraiwadi. On the night of September 20, four trains were stopped and 17 Muslim passengers trying to leave the city were killed. On September 23, when the government imprudently lifted the curfew for a few hours, forty persons were murdered. Violence spread to nearby districts as well between September 20 and In the nearby city of Baroda, around ten persons were killed, and six thousand families lost their properties; thus becoming refugees.

The arrival of the army belatedly defused the situation, but incidents of stabbing continued intermittently for almost a month.

Jaganmohan Reddy Commission Report published evidence that most of the attacks had been carefully planned. The Reddy Commission blamed the police and the Congress-led state administration for their incompetence and delay in imposing curfews. In all, according to that report, violence claimed lives, including those of Muslims and 24 Hindus. Other accounts consider that more than one thousand -or even two to three thousand- people lost their lives. The large majority of those killed were Muslim about 80 percent.

The Ahmedabad tragedy had international repercussions: