Tocqueville, Democracy in America, On the Use That the Americans Make of Association in Civil Life
internal object must be considered a split-off part of the ego that remains in an object that is (at least partially) a dynamic structure, but he did not explain the The transitional oedipal relationship in female development. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE HISTORY OF. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The. Journal of . sonal relationship theories to the study of consumer-object interactions have . person associations again serving to animate the brand as and Allen () applied this theory to explain how brand. Association is a relationship between two objects. many-to-one, many-to-many all these words define an association between objects.
Ultimately, however, the symbolic meaning of singularized objects results from social relationships. Thus individuals derive meaning from, and reproduce culture by, interacting with both objects and subjects.
Association (object-oriented programming) - Wikipedia
This perspective rests on three basic tenets: The applicability of symbolic interactionism to the study of materialism is apparent from the words of Blumer: For society to be possible, actors must share a strong reciprocity of perspectives made possible largely by objects. Self-identity is knowledge that the self exists.
Self-identity permits communication and other interactions with the self which, in turn, produce "self-definition. Knowledge of an alternative reality compels the individual to experience portions of it. Individuals thus act toward the self, becoming the object of their own action.
This infers that the self is not a structure, but a dynamic and constant process Blumer ; Mead Understanding the self as process means that self-definition must be continually reconfigured as symbolic meanings in the environment change and evolve.
For example, as styles and product designs evolve, the meanings of already-owned products change, as do other people's perceptions of the product owners Kehret-Ward ; Mick Social actors consume objects' symbolism in order to help define social reality and thus ensure that subsequent behavior will be appropriate for the reality defined. The consumer therefore relies on objects' inherent social information to enhance role performances and thus shape self-definition Solomon In sum, as meanings change, the contexts in which individuals define themselves also change.
The result is a social process in which the survival of the individual is dependent upon constant adaptation of self-definition. A Model of Interchangeability Individuals may experience deficiencies in self-definition stemming from an absence of critical symbols for the identity in question. An example would be a lack of the "speech markers" e. Deficiencies in such symbols result in the tendency to compensate with other symbols within that same "identity area" Braun and Wicklundp.
Interchangeability in the form of materialism may be used to compensate for feelings of emotional deprivation, dependency, or lowered self worth Wachtel and Blatt In such instances, material objects may be directly substituted for human relationships that contribute insufficiently to an affected individual's self-definition. The interchangeability model see Figure 1 represents the relationship among subjects, objects, and self-definition.
The model suggests that, in some cases, when someone cannot adequately integrate aspects of other people into his or her self-definition, then objects may be substituted, consciously or otherwise. In other words, the respective contributions of subjects and objects to the individual's continuing development may be substitutable for each other at various times. Subjects people generally serve to help the individual feel connected to a culture, community, reference group, and family.
Objects material goodsgenerally help the individual fulfill what is widely regarded as a universal need for personal uniqueness within the culture Snyder and Fromkin The interchangeability model shows double-headed arrows extending from self-definition to both subjects and objects.
These arrows reflect the two-way, mutually-affecting relationship that exists between us as individuals and the subjects and objects in our lives. As Belk observes, "we may impose our identities on possessions and possessions may impose their identities on us"p. These concepts emphasize the shared meanings which produce community identity. These concepts emphasize unique experience and individual interpretation of shared meanings.
In many respects, the bonds between the individual and subjects are also forms of sacred consumption, while those between the individual and objects are forms of secular consumption Belk, Wallendorf, and Sherryalthough exceptions occur in both instances.
In the interchangeability model, the degree of contribution by objects and subjects to the creation and rejuvenation of self-definition is never static.
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In response to certain environmental demands, greater reliance may be placed on objects to help in the adaptation of one's self-definition. In other circumstances, relatively greater reliance is placed on subjects for the preservation and evolution of the sense of self.#12 Hibernate Tutorial - Mapping Relations Theory
Further, objects and subjects do not simply make "non-human" and "human" contributions, respectively, to self-definition. Such is the case when people are used as objects objectificationand when objects are viewed as possessing human qualities anthropomorphism. In other words, the lines of contribution between object and subject to self-definition may sometimes blur.
The horizontal arrow between objects and subjects at the bottom of the model represents the ability of individuals to maintain and modify their self-definition by selectively interchanging either objects or subjects in response to environmental demands.
A concrete example illustrates many of these points. In rural regions of post-Soviet Russia, being called an "individual" can be a form of social censure. The current economic turbulence has caused pro-collective Russian farmers to rebel against capitalistic measures. Successful, pro-capitalist farmers are described by their less prosperous, pro-collective detractors as being "individuals" who are living only for themselves.
Part of the incriminating evidence of such individuality is the pro-capitalist farmers' newly-constructed, two-bedroom single family homes Hays Such a situation exemplifies how a relative absence of material possessions tends to negate the perception of human beings as individual entities. In addition, the behavior of the pro-capitalist farmers may be interpreted as their giving stronger emphasis to the objects portion of the interchangeability model in constructing self-definitions.
At the same time, their pro-collective counterparts may be viewed as placing greater emphasis on the subjects portion of the model. What happens to self-definition when too much emphasis is placed on objects? By suggesting that a life-enhancing self-definition results from both objects and subjects, it is assumed that sufficient resources exist for every individual to draw upon in response to emerging environmental circumstances.
In some circumstances, however, objects can be in short supply, as in the crippled economies of the post-Soviet nations. In other circumstances, the availability of subjects can be insufficient, as in the African-American community's need for more black role models. A legacy of the Industrial Revolution is the potential for an abundance of objects. In many respects, an abundance of objects has permitted the advancement of knowledge, comfort, and other forms of civilization on a scale unprecedented in history.
At the same time, a wealth of objects has produced greed, addiction, pornography, and other examples of the dark side of consumption Hirschman Tournier similarly described a world in which material things are substituted for people and cited an inability to communicate, relate, and connect as a cause of human objectification. Citing 19th century laws treating women as chattel, Dworkin argues that women of today are still treated as sexual objects in pornography, prostitution, and rape Belk Yet, modern America still socializes its children to place tremendous emphasis on the ability of objects to forge self-definition.
As one example, the Milton-Bradley company targets pre-teen girls for a board game called "Mall Madness. It can be argued that the "born to shop" and "shop 'til you drop," bumper-sticker sense of self encouraged by such products may be demeaning and deleterious to young people.
It is also noteworthy that the game's name - Mall Madness - overtly equates shopping and consumption with insanity. It is as if the culture is warning that an emphasis on objects, at the expense of subjects, has dysfunctional consequences. Similarly, millions of young Americans have been encouraged over the years to "go cuckoo for Cocoa Puffs.
The overriding theme of all of these examples is an unbalanced, even irrational, emphasis on the importance of objects in self-definition. Deteriorated human relationships and a weakened social fabric may be unintended results.
While swings in emphasis between objects and subjects in defining the individual occur more or less continuously, interchangeability swings appear to occur in whole societies at more periodic intervals.
The decade of the s has been widely characterized as a decade of greed in America, a decade when emphasis was clearly on the contribution of material factors in defining the national self. During the recessionary s, however, the interchangeability pendulum has largely swung from objects to subjects for much of industrialized society, including Japan.
Through the late s and early s, Japan's postwar generations practiced unfettered "consumer one-upsmanship," fueled by the island-nation's great "bubble" economy of spiraling land and equities prices. The bubble burst, however, with the recession. A freshly sober Japan has awakened to new economic realities. The civilization based on rapid consumption is over'" Onop. Embarrassed by the "conspicuous consumption of the s: According to one 35 year-old Japanese woman: The crucial thing is to always be able to feel warm-hearted" Onop.
Popular Japanese magazines that once heralded the newest consumer fads now offer columns on strengthening romantic relationships. In the past, such publications often promoted objectification, counseling women to collect a different man for each purpose: In the western hemisphere, North Americans are variously characterized by marketers as returning to "family values," "cocooning," "burrowing," or a host of other terms referring to greater emphasis on the contribution of other human beings to the construction and maintenance of individual self-definition.
While such a trend may be encouraging to some observers, one perspective is that - instead of re-balancing the values of the s - the apparent emphasis on hearth, home, and family in the s may be the latest round of person objectification. We extend current research by examining whether individuals for whom possessions in general comprise the self to a greater degree are more likely to incorporate specific possessions in the extended self.
We also examine the relation between object incorporation in the extended self and object attachment, and object incorporation and satisfaction in order to better specify the domain of the construct. The extended self consists of self plus possessions and is that part of self-identity which is defined by possessions including gifts, money, body-parts, monuments, and places Belk The extended self construct builds upon the idea that consumers prefer products that are "congruent" with their selves Belk ; Kleine, Kleine, and Kernan ; Sirgy The self provides a "sense of who and what we are" and possessions help support our sense of self because to a great extent we are what we have and possess Belk ; James ; Kleine, Kleine, and Kernan ; Tuan The extended self construct has been developed and examined primarily from the post-positivist research tradition.
The construct came in for criticism from Cohen and Solomon who suggested that it was not well-defined theoretically or operationally. Cohen's primary concern was that the extended self construct did not adequately distinguish between possessions that were important to an individual and those that were part of the individual's extended self.
Belk responded to these criticisms by providing some examples of how possessions that were important to him e. Belk further suggested that much of Cohen's criticisms emanated from a positivist point of view. Recently, scholars have pointed to the need to bring about a rapprochement between what some see as a paradigmatic division within our field Hunt Sivadas and Machleit developed a scale to measure the extent of possession incorporation in the extended self.
They found strong support for Belk's ; assertion that possessions that were part of the extended self were empirically distinct from possessions that were important to the individual. Belk reminds us that the extended self construct can be useful in both positivist and post-positivist research. Following Belk and Sivadas and Machleit we examine the extended self construct from a positivist standpoint, however we believe that our findings will be useful to researchers subscribing to either paradigm.
Our purpose is twofold. First, we examine to what degree is incorporation of possessions in the extended self an individual trait and to what degree is it the function of the possession being examined. Prior studies on the extended self have examined whether a particular possession or possessions are part of an individual's extended self e. However, hardly any attention has been paid to whether some consumers are more likely to derive their identities from possessions than other consumers.
Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton have noted individual differences in importance attached to various possessions based on variables like age with older adults being more past-oriented.
Culture has also been identified as influencing the role of possessions in "constructing and preserving identity" because the nature of the self varies across cultures e.
However, individual variations in the incorporation of possessions in the extended self within the same age and cultural group has not been studied. Recent work on materialism suggests that materialism is an individual trait Richins and Dawson We propose that the importance attached to possessions in providing a sense of self will vary across individuals and that individuals for whom possessions are important in general, will be more likely to incorporate a specific possession in their extended self.
We propose the following hypothesis, H1: Secondly, we empirically examine how the extended self is related to two constructs i. The objective of doing so is to better specify the domain of this construct. As indicated earlier, the extended self construct has come in for criticism for being an all encompassing construct.
Association (object-oriented programming)
For example, Solomonp. However, the boundaries of both these constructs remain unclear. In his criticism of the extended self construct, Cohenp. Ball and Tasakip. They define attachment as "the extent to which an object which is owned, expected to be owned, or previously owned by an individual, is used by that individual to maintain his or her self-concept.
Cathecting objects into the self is a foundation for extended self and to some extent as Belk suggests, it appears that attachment is implicated in the extended self.
However, keeping in mind the criticisms of Solomon and especially Cohenp.
Also, in a cross-cultural study of favorite possessions, attachment has been successfully differentiated from the possessiveness component of materialism Wallendorf and Arnould Thus we posit that extended self and attachment are separate constructs, and consumers are more likely to be attached to possessions that are part of their extended self.